
__________________________________________________________
The Palestine Catastrophe:
Part Of
A Wider National Disaster
By
Adel
Beshara
The University of Melbourne
If we
follow closely the course of history between
1915 and 1948, it is not hard to see that what
happened in Palestine in 1948 was part of a
wider national disaster. Before the First World
War, the countries that we know today did not
exist, so we must think in terms of geographic
regions. In the southwest Asian part of the
Ottoman Empire there were two such regions. We
can call them geographical Syria and
Mesopotamia. Each region had several provinces,
and although the Turks governed the whole area,
they allowed some of their provinces
considerable local autonomy. For example, Mount
Lebanon north of Beirut in Syria had been
largely self-governing since the 1860s and the
province of Kuwait in Mesopotamia had been
self-governing even longer.
During
the war, the Allies (Britain and France) decided
to partition the Arab world and make the various
provinces into countries. They did this through
the "Mandate" system, created after World War I
by the League of Nations, which Britain and
France controlled. Initially the area was broken
into three Mandates: Palestine under Britain,
Mesopotamia under Britain, Syria under France.
But in the 1920s Syria and Palestine were
subdivided, Syria into the countries of Syria
and Lebanon, Palestine into the countries of
Trans-Jordan and Palestine. Also, Kuwait was
kept separate from Mesopotamia.
During
the war, also, the Balfour Declaration -
pledging British support for a Jewish "homeland"
in Palestine - was issued in late November,
1917. It stated:
His
Majesty's Government view with favour the
establishment in Palestine of a national home
for the Jewish people, and will use its best
endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this
object, it being clearly understood that nothing
shall be done which may prejudice the civil and
religious rights of existing non-Jewish
communities in Palestine, or the rights and
political status enjoyed by Jews in any other
country.
Most
scholarly works, past and present, take the
Balfour declaration as the starting point in
their investigation of the Palestine issue. But
this only begs the question: why did Britain
issue the Balfour Declaration during the war
rather than wait until it was over? The answer
to this question has often been to link the
Balfour Declaration to Britain's war efforts:
Many
British leaders were convinced that if Jews
spoke up for the war it could make a difference.
Starting in 1916 they began negotiating with
Jewish leaders, promising British support for a
Jewish Homeland in Palestine in exchange for
Jewish support for the war. While some British
leaders were sympathetic to Jews for
humanitarian or cultural reasons, others thought
an alliance with Jewish Nationalists (Zionists)
would be strategically advantageous.
But in
1917 the Zionists were too numerically and
military insignificant to deserve the attention
of a world power. It was they who needed
Britain, not the other way around. Moreover, if
the objective of the Balfour Declaration was to
lure the Jews into the British war machine, as
claimed, would it not also deprive Britain of
the Syrian and Arab support it desperately
needed to win the war?
Logically, then, there would have had to have
been another explanation for the Balfour
Declaration. That, I believe, can be found in
the Sykes-Picot agreement - that inauspicious
document that Britain, France and Russia
secretly framed in 1916. In short, the
Sykes-Picot Agreement led to these results:
Britain would get what came to be known as Iraq,
Jordan, and Palestine, France would get Syria
(including Lebanon), and Russia would get
Central Asia (currently independent republics).
The
connection between the Sykes-Picot Agreement and
the Balfour Declaration was recently
investigated by Alan R. Taylor in his study
Prelude to Israel. According to Taylor, the
Sykes-Picot Agreement "served to negate any
implied promises to the Arabs, thus eliminating
the possibility of Arab control and affording
the Zionists time to wrest Palestine for
themselves."
The
Balfour Declaration, on the other hand, was
designed to allay Zionist fears arising from the
Sykes-Picot agreement, which provided for
international control of Palestine instead of a
mandate run by a pro-Zionist British government.
The period separating the two documents was one
of intense Zionist lobbying to secure a slice of
the Sykes-Picot Agreement, by getting the
British government to pledge its continued
support of the Zionist plan. In the period
succeeding both documents, the Zionists lobbied
both France and Russia, the other parties to the
Sykes-Picot Agreement, to persuade them to make
a similar pledge, though with limited success.
Another
way of looking at the connection between the
Sykes-Picot Agreement and the Balfour
Declaration is as follows. The Sykes-Picot
Agreement was the historical document which
Zionism needed to ensure that Syria would emerge
from the war stateless and incapable of
defending Palestine against their designs. The
Balfour Declaration was the document that it
needed to realize these designs.
Given these connections, it is
important to see the Palestine catastrophe in
1948 as an extension of Syria's post-war
national disaster, rather than as an independent
or a separate Palestinian matter. For if the
Allies had allowed geographical Syria to achieve
its national aspirations and establish its own
independent state at the end of the war, the
Zionists would not have been able to usurp
Palestine, even with the Balfour Declaration. It
was therefore in the Sykes-Picot Agreement and
not in the Balfour Declaration that the seeds of
the Palestine Catastrophe were planted.